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Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

La memoria como resistencia: Un Tributo

El Tributo de AWID es una exhibición de arte que honra a feministas, a activistas por los derechos de las mujeres y de la justicia social de todo el mundo que ya no están con nosotrxs. 


En 2020, hacemos un cambio

El Tributo de este año cuenta y comparte las historias y narraciones de quienes crearon conjuntamente realidades feministas, ofrecieron visiones de alternativas a los sistemas y actores que nos oprimen, y propusieron nuevas formas de organizarnos, de movilizarnos, de luchar, de trabajar, de vivir y de aprender.

Se agregan a la galería 49 retratos nuevos de feministas y defensorxs de derechos humanos. Aunque muchxs feministas y defensorxs han fallecido debido a edad avanzada o enfermedad, muchísimxs han sido asesinadxs debido a su trabajo y por ser quienes eran. 

Esta violencia creciente (de parte de Estados, empresas transnacionales, crimen organizado, sicarios no identificados, etc.) no se dirige solo a activistas individuales sino a nuestro trabajo común y a las realidades feministas. 

Al compartir las historias de lxs activistas en este Tributo,  mantenemos vivo su legado y nos inspiran para el trabajo futuro de nuestros movimientos. 

Visita nuestra exhibición en línea

Lors retratos de 2020 fueron diseñados por la ilustradora y animadora galardonada, Louisa Bertman

En AWID nos gustaría agradecer a las familias y organizaciones que nos compartieron sus historias personales, y así haber contribuido a este memorial. Nos unimos a ellxs para continuar el extraordinario trabajo de estxs activistas y defensorxs, y en el esfuerzo para asegurarnos de que se logre justicia en los casos que permanecen en la impunidad

"Ellos trataron de enterrarnos pero no sabían que éramos semillas."‐ Proverbio Mexicano


Presentamos el Tributo por primera vez en 2012

Primero tomó forma como una exposición física de retratos y biografías de feministas y activistas que habían fallecido, en el 12º Foro Internacional de AWID, en Turquía. Ahora vive como una galería en línea, que actualizamos cada año. 

Desde 2012 hemos presentado más de 467 feministas y defensorxs.

Visita nuestra exhibición en línea

Contenido relacionado

Challenging the economic growth model

Context

Contesting the premise that a country’s economy must always ‘grow or die’, de-growth propositions come to debunk the centrality of growth measured by increase in Gross domestic product (GDP).

Definition

A de-growth model proposes a shift towards a lower and sustainable level of production and consumption. In essence, shrinking the economic system to leave more space for human cooperation and ecosystems.

The proposal includes

  • Downsizing resource-, energy- and emission-intensive superfluous production, particularly in the North (e.g. the automotive and military industries)
  • Directing investments instead into the care sector, social infrastructure and environmental restoration

Feminist perspective

Feminist perspectives within de-growth theory and practice argue that it also needs to redefine and revalidate unpaid and paid, care and market labour to overcome traditional gender stereotypes as well as the prevailing wage gaps and income inequalities that devalue care work.


Learn more about this proposition

  • In “The Future WE Want: Occupy development” Christa Wichterich argues that in order to break up the hegemonic logic of unfettered growth and quick returns on investment, three cornerstones of another development paradigm must combine: care, commons and sufficiency in production and consumption.
  • Equitable, Ecological Degrowth: Feminist Contributions by Patricia Perkins suggests developing effective alternative indicators of well-being, including social and economic equity and work-time data, to demonstrate the importance of unpaid work and services for the economy and provide a mechanism for giving credit to those responsible.

Part of our series of


  Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy

AWID IN 2014: Strengthening Women’s Rights Organizing Around the World

AWID is very pleased to share our 2014 Annual Report.

From building knowledge on women’s rights issues to amplifying responses to violence against women human rights defenders (WHRDs), our work last year continued to strengthen feminist and women’s rights movements across the world.

Get learn how we built the capacity of our members and broader constituency, pushed hard to keep women’s rights on the agenda of major international development and human rights processes, and helped increase coverage of women’s rights issues and organizing through the media. You'll find a panoramic sampling of our projects and some concrete numbers demonstrating our impact.

Collaboration is at the heart of all that we do, and we look forward to another year of working together to take our movements to the next level.


A sneak peak inside the report

Despite an increasingly challenging panorama, there are important signs of hope for advancing women’s rights agendas. Women’s rights activists remain crucial in creating openings to demand structural change, sustaining their communities, opposing violence and holding the line on key achievements. And there are important opportunities to influence new actors and to mobilize greater resources to support women’s rights organizations.

In this context, strong collective action and organizing among women’s rights activists remains essential.

Our impact

  • We built knowledge on women’s rights issues
  • We strengthened our online community
  • We helped improve responses to violence against WHRDs
  • We strengthened movement  building through collaborative working processes
  • We pushed hard to keep women’s human rights on the agendas of major international development processes
  • We helped women’s rights organizations better influence donors and increased visibility and understanding of women’s rights organizations among the donor community
  • We contributed towards increased and improved coverage of women’s rights issues and organizing in mainstream media

I am sincerely thrilled  by AWID’s accomplishments since 1982 and hope to be able to pay at least a modest contribution to its hard work for the benefit of women  and situation of gender equality.”  — Aleksandra Miletic-Santic, Bosnia Herzegovina

Our Members


Read the full report

CFA 2023 - Call for Activities is live- ES

¡Comienza la Convocatoria para Actividades!

La fecha límite para proponer actividades se extiende hasta el 1ero de Febrero de 2024.

 

En el espíritu del tema del Foro, invitamos a proponer una diversidad de tópicos y formatos para actividades que: 

  • Faciliten la conexión e interacción genuina entre lxs participantes;
  • Promuevan la sanación y regeneración de distintas formas, como personas individuales, comunidades y movimientos;
  • Nos inspiren y desafíen para florecer juntxs como comunidades y movimientos.

#1 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet ES

Y mi número 1: porque sabes que la cosa va en serio cuando se invoca a los poderes superiores

Image of a tweet with a woman fainted on a set of stairs. Text says: I want to cum so hard my ancestors awaken and rejoin the struggle.

‘Quiero acabar/venirme/correrme tan fuerte que despierte a mis ancestrxs y haga que vuelvan a sumarse a la lucha’

Clone of Publications - Homepage - fr

Publications

Lisez nos recherches sur le financement, sur les défenseuses des droits humains, sur la création de mouvements, sur les fondamentalismes, la justice économique et beaucoup plus

Lire la suite

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


Other Chapters

Read the full report

2019: Realidades feministas en un mundo cambiante

AWID comenzó a preparar este informe anual en el momento en que la pandemia global empezaba a desintegrar las formas en que nos reunimos, nos organizamos y vivimos nuestras vidas. Es imposible reseñar lo que hemos hecho sin que el COVID-19 afecte nuestra evaluación.

Descargar el informe anual 2019 completo (PDF)


 AWID Annual report - COVER - esp

La creación conjunta de realidades feministas ya no es solamente un tema del Foro de AWID: es un llamamiento a la acción en respuesta a una pandemia que ha puesto en evidencia las falencias de los sistemas sociales, políticos y económicos.

Es una afirmación, urgentemente necesaria, de que existen otros modos, más justos, de organizar nuestras vidas. Durante 2019, cientos de grupos compartieron con nosotrxs sus experiencias y propuestas de realidades feministas, que van desde las redes radicales de apoyo comunitario que facilitan el aborto autogestionado en América Latina y las prácticas de economías comunitarias en Indonesia y de sistemas alimentarios comunitarios en India y EEUU, hasta la reconcepción y renovación de las prácticas no perjudiciales para ritos de iniciación en Sierra Leona. Estas son las experiencias que trazarán un camino hacia una «nueva normalidad».

Sin embargo, las largas historias de opresión y violencia pueden hacer que resulte difícil imaginar lo posible. 

Una parte clave de nuestro trabajo de 2019 fue alentar estas exploraciones a través de una guía que AWID lanzó para apoyar a aquellos grupos interesados en descubrir las historias y las aspiraciones que son los componentes esenciales de las proposiciones feministas. 

Mientras nos focalizamos en nuestras propuestas para un mundo diferente, también reconocemos el complejo contexto que nos rodea. A través de alianzas con el Observatorio sobre la Universalidad de los Derechos, las Feministas por un Tratado Vinculante, el Consorcio Count Me In! y otras organizaciones, AWID ha continuado resistiendo contra el poder corporativo irrestricto y contra las agendas fascistas y fundamentalistas que socavan los derechos de las mujeres y la justicia de género. En vista de las escasas posibilidades de lograr un cambio transformador a través de procesos multilaterales y de la limitada receptividad de la mayoría de los Estados, estamos redoblando nuestros esfuerzos para garantizar que los movimientos feministas, en toda su diversidad, sean financiados de forma proporcional al papel crítico que desempeñan al apoyar a sus comunidades, reclamar derechos, y responder a las crisis. En 2019, introdujimos principios y enfoques feministas para fondos innovadores como la Iniciativa Spotlight y el Fondo Igualdad, y logramos obtener recursos a través de subvenciones de fondos semilla para realidades feministas provenientes de donantes feministas. 

Si miramos hacia adelante, resulta claro que el contexto requiere una transformación de nuestras estrategias de organización:

  • estamos aprendiendo a manejar el trabajo de incidencia global aún confinado a los canales en línea,
  • lidiamos con la incertidumbre respecto de cuándo y cómo podremos reunirnos en forma presencial y
  • utilizamos las herramientas que tenemos a disposición para estrechar conexiones desde las esferas locales a las mundiales.

AWID se está embarcando ahora en un nuevo modelo de membresía que reduce las barreras para el acceso y pone el énfasis en las oportunidades para la participación y la conexión entre afiliadxs. Seguiremos experimentando con distintas herramientas y procesos virtuales para construir comunidad. La interacción entre movimientos continuará siendo central para nuestro trabajo. Las acciones de AWID en solidaridad con los movimientos y las identidades que sufren opresión (incluso y especialmente cuando estas quedan marginalizadas dentro de los movimientos feministas) son importantes para impulsar el cambio y brindar apoyo a los movimientos amplios e inclusivos para todas las personas.

La crisis no es nueva para los movimientos feministas y sociales. 

Somos resilientes, nos adaptamos, y nos hacemos presentes para lxs demás. Y tenemos que seguir haciéndolo mejor. Gracias a todxs ustedes, que son parte del viaje junto con nosotrxs.

Descargar el informe anual 2019 completo (PDF)

CFA 2023 - Submit Button - ES

Intro to tweets snippet FR

Comme ces tweets le montrent, sextoter comme une féministe est à la fois sexy, drôle – et chaud. Mais sans jamais perdre de vue son engagement en faveur de l’équité et de la justice.

Snippet - Intro WD2026_EN

Co-Creating a Political Home for Feminist Movements

From 27 - 30 April, 2026, AWID will be at the Women Deliver 2026 Conference, co-creating a political home with feminist and gender justice movements that is rooted in transnational care and solidarity. 

In a time when fascism and militarization continue to rise globally, feminist connection and solidarity across borders is what we truly need.  We are organizing multiple spaces at Women Deliver and online to connect movements with each other in conversations to build feminist agendas of solidarity and action. 

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

2024: Fortaleciendo movimientos, sosteniendo el cambio

Desde el auge de la derecha en muchos países y la oleada de recortes al financiamiento que afectan seriamente a la sociedad civil de la mayoría global, hasta el genocidio en curso en Gaza, la intensificación de los violentos conflictos en Sudán y la crisis climática en muchas áreas de nuestro planeta, estamos frente a las fuerzas reales del fascismo y a un orden mundial de impunidad.

Descargar el informe anual 2024


De cara al futuro, nos basamos en los poderosos llamados a la acción realizados por les feministas en el Foro de AWID. Juntes podemos construir un mundo en el que la justicia, la liberación y los cuidados no sean aspiraciones, sino realidades.

Descargar el informe anual 2024

CFA 2023 - Online and Hybrid - thai

 ใหม่

การประชุมออนไลน์และแบบผสมผสานรูปแบบ

ผู้เข้าร่วมประชุมออนไลน์สามารถดำเนินรายการในโปรแกรมต่างๆ   เชื่อมต่อและสนทนากับผู้อื่น   และสัมผัสประสบการณ์ความคิดสร้างสรรค์ ศิลปะ และการเฉลิมฉลองของเวที AWID ได้โดยตรง ผู้เข้าร่วม         ที่เชื่อมต่อออนไลน์จะได้พบกับกับโปรแกรมที่เข้มข้นและหลากหลาย ตั้งแต่การประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการ การอภิปราย  ไปจนถึงโปรแกรมกิจกรรมเยียวยาและการแสดงดนตรี  โดยที่กิจกรรมบางอย่างจะเน้น การเชื่อมต่อระหว่างผู้เข้าร่วมออนไลน์ด้วยกัน       ในขณะที่กิจกรรมอื่นๆจะเป็นการเชื่อมต่อแบบผสมผสาน  เพื่อการมีปฏิสัมพันธ์กันระหว่างผู้เข้าร่วมออนไลน์และผู้ที่อยู่กรุงเทพฯ

#2 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet EN

Who doesn’t like a visual cue?

Snippet - WD2026 - Reception _EN

AWID Reception: A Night of Feminist Community

📅 Tuesday, April 28
🕒 6.30pm–9.30pm
🏢 Venue: River’s Edge, 18-31 Siddeley St
(a 5 minute walk across the river from the Melbourne Convention and Exhibition Centre)

Thank you for your enthusiasm. We're currently at capacity, but have opened a waiting list.

RSVP Required. Sign up for the waiting list!

Here is your Feminist Realities Toolkit

Thank you for taking the first steps to Co-create Feminist Realities!

Download your toolkit


 

Learn more about Feminist Realities

Any questions? Please do not hesitate to contact us

 

Inna Michaeli

Biography

Inna is a feminist queer activist and sociologist with many years of deep engagement in feminist and LGBTQI+ struggles, political education and organizing by and for migrant women, and Palestine liberation and solidarity. She joined AWID in 2016 and served in different roles, most recently as Director of Programs. She is based in Berlin, Germany, grew up in Haifa, Palestine/Israel, was born in St. Petersburg, Russia, and carries these political geographies and resistance to colonial past and present into her feminism and transnational solidarity.

Inna is the author of “Women's Economic Empowerment: Feminism, Neoliberalism, and the State” (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), based on the dissertation which earned her a doctoral degree from the Humboldt University of Berlin. As an academic, she taught courses on globalization, knowledge production, identity and belonging. Inna holds an MA in Cultural Studies from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She is a Board Member of the Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (Germany), and previously of +972 Advancement of Citizen Journalism. Previously Inna worked with the Coalition of Women for Peace and she is passionate about mobilizing resources for grassroots activism.

Position
Co-Executive Director
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